Aid Troubles in Darfur
Relief efforts in Darfur are running into difficulties. Observers of the Iraq War will notice parallels:
Today, aid convoys have become almost daily targets, with car jackings, armed robbery, and occasional shoot outs. In some cases, aid workers have been forced to abandon their operations in far-flung camps; in other cases, they have been forced to travel by helicopter, increasing the cost of bringing crucial food, shelter, and medical assistance to nearly 4 million people.
Sudan has agreed in principle to allow in UN peacekeeping forces, but the troops are not expected to arrive until next year.
“We can’t distribute food if we’re being shot at, basically, but when you’re feeding millions of people, failure is not an option and security is deteriorating,” says Simon Crittle, a spokesman for the World Food Program. “When you know who the rebels are, and who the government is, you can negotiate with them to get a food convoy through on a certain date. But when you don’t know who’s who, anyone can pull a gun and demand money, it makes it that much more dangerous.”
Mr. Crittle says that food deliveries continue to get through to the majority of relief camps – with nearly 2.1 million metric tons of food being distributed annually by truck to more than 450 locations. But the increasingly blurry lines between militant and bandit has made it much more difficult to get food to people in need.
International aid workers say that the Darfur conflict has turned a corner from the neat-and-easy lines of government-backed Arab militiamen versus black rebels, and Sudan’s ethnic cleansing policies that the US government has called “genocide.” Today, the lines between friend and foe have blurred considerably, making the efforts to resolve the conflict, and to help noncombatants all the more difficult.
“The way it is portrayed, to say that this is Arab versus black, may have been true at the start, but it is much more complex now,” says Alun McDonald, spokesman for Oxfam in Khartoum. “You have Arab tribes fighting the government, you have black tribes fighting each other.”
With three rebel groups splitting up into more than a dozen groups – many of them based on personal or tribal loyalties – armed groups have taken to robbing the relatively soft target of aid workers, who have many of the vehicles, money, and communications equipment that an armed movement needs.
“The security … is worse today than it has ever been and this is linked to the breakdown in law and order. There are no good guys there anymore,” UN humanitarian operations chief, Manuel Aranda Da Silva, told Reuters last week in his last interview before leaving the post. He urged the government and the UN to restart the negotiation process. “If it doesn’t, it’s a disaster for Sudan.”
When U.N. peacekeepers arrive don’t expect security to improve. If I were a Darfur native I’d fear those troops.
This goes to show that the difficulties faced in Iraq aren’t unique to U.S. forces. It’s not simply natives going after the “evil, imperialist American oppressors.”
That’s not to say another 500,000 troops wouldn’t hurt. That would cause blood vessels to burst in anti-war Leftists and could drive Congressional Democrats to impeach President Bush, but it would do a lot to squelch Iraqi violence.
In the end it’s no as much about the military capability* as it is political will.
“Darfur’s Aid Lifeline in Danger” [via OTB]
*I’m not even sure the U.S. is capable of deploying 500,000 more troops to Iraq. It would probably require a draft which is an instant no-go.
